1: PLATO AND THE DOCTRINE OF MOTION

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At the threshold, then, of The Republic of Plato, the historic spirit impresses upon us the fact that some of its leading thoughts are partly derivative from earlier thinkers, of whom we happen to possess independent information. From that brilliant and busy, yet so unconcerned press of early Greek life, one here another there stands aside to make the initial act of conscious philosophic reflexion. It is done with something of the simplicity, the immediate and visible effectiveness, of the visible world in action all around. Among Plato's many intellectual [12] predecessors, on whom in recent years much attention has been bestowed by a host of commentators after the mind of Hegel, three, whose ideas, whose words even, we really find in the very texture of Plato's work, emerge distinctly in close connexion with The Republic: Pythagoras, the dim, half-legendary founder of the philosophy of number and music; Parmenides, "My father Parmenides," the centre of the school of Elea; Heraclitus, thirdly, author of the doctrine of "the Perpetual Flux": three teachers, it must be admitted after all, of whom what knowledge we have is to the utmost degree fragmentary and vague. But then, one way of giving that knowledge greater definiteness is by noting their direct and actual influence in Plato's writings.

Heraclitus, a writer of philosophy in prose, yet of a philosophy which was half poetic figure, half generalised fact, in style crabbed and obscure, but stimulant, invasive, not to be forgotten--he too might be thought, as a writer of prose, one of the "fathers" of Plato. His influence, however, on Plato, though himself a Heraclitean in early life, was by way of antagonism or reaction; Plato's stand against any philosophy of motion becoming, as we say, something of a "fixed idea" with him. Heraclitus of Ephesus (what Ephesus must have been just then is denoted by the fact that it was one of the twelve cities of the Ionian League) died about forty years before [13] Plato was born. Here then at Ephesus, the much frequented centre of the religious life of Ionia, itself so lately emancipated from its tyrants, Heraclitus, of ancient hereditary rank, an aristocrat by birth and temper, amid all the bustle of still undiscredited Greek democracy, had reflected, not to his peace of mind, on the mutable character of political as well as of physical existence; perhaps, early as it was, on the mutability of intellectual systems also, that modes of thought and practice had already been in and out of fashion. Empires certainly had lived and died around; and in Ephesus as elsewhere, the privileged class had gone to the wall. In this era of unrestrained youthfulness, of Greek youthfulness, one of the haughtiest of that class, as being also of nature's aristocracy, and a man of powerful intellectual gifts, Heraclitus, asserts the native liberty of thought at all events; becomes, we might truly say, sickly with "the pale cast" of his philosophical questioning. Amid the irreflective actors in that rapidly moving show, so entirely immersed in it superficial as it is that they have no feeling of themselves, he becomes self-conscious. He reflects; and his reflexion has the characteristic melancholy of youth when it is forced suddenly to bethink itself, and for a moment feels already old, feels the temperature of the world about it sensibly colder. Its very ingenuousness, its sincerity, will make the utterance of what comes [14] to mind just then somewhat shrill or overemphatic.

Yet Heraclitus, thus superbly turning aside from the vulgar to think, so early in the impetuous spring-tide of Greek history, does but reflect after all the aspect of what actually surrounds him, when he cries out--his philosophy was no matter of formal treatise or system, but of harsh, protesting cries--Panta chôrei kai ouden menei.+ All things give way: nothing remaineth. There had been enquirers before him of another sort, purely physical enquirers, whose bold, contradictory, seemingly impious guesses how and of what primary elements the world of visible things, the sun, the stars, the brutes, their own souls and bodies, had been composed, were themselves a part of the bold enterprise of that romantic age; a series of intellectual adventures, of a piece with its adventures in unknown lands or upon the sea. The resultant intellectual chaos expressed the very spirit of gifted and sanguine but insubordinate youth (remember, that the word neotês,+ youth, came to mean rashness, insolence!) questioning, deciding, rejecting, on mere rags and tatters of evidence, unbent to discipline, unmethodical, irresponsible. Those opinions too, coming and going, those conjectures as to what under-lay the sensible world, were themselves but fluid elements on the changing surface of existence.

[15] Surface, we say; but was there really anything beneath it? That was what to the majority of his hearers, his readers, Heraclitus, with an eye perhaps on practice, seemed to deny. Perpetual motion, alike in things and in men's thoughts about them,--the sad, self-conscious, philosophy of Heraclitus, like one, knowing beyond his years, in this barely adolescent world which he is so eager to instruct, makes no pretence to be able to restrain that. Was not the very essence of thought itself also such perpetual motion? a baffling transition from the dead past, alive one moment since, to a present, itself deceased in turn ere we can say, It is here? A keen analyst of the facts of nature and mind, a master presumably of all the knowledge that then there was, a vigorous definer of thoughts, he does but refer the superficial movement of all persons and things around him to deeper and still more masterful currents of universal change, stealthily withdrawing the apparently solid earth itself from beneath one's feet. The principle of disintegration, the incoherency of fire or flood (for Heraclitus these are but very lively instances of movements, subtler yet more wasteful still) are inherent in the primary elements alike of matter and of the soul. Legei pou Hêrakleitos, says Socrates in the Cratylus, hoti panta chôrei kai ouden menei.+ But the principle of lapse, of waste, was, in fact, in one's self. "No one has ever passed [16] twice over the same stream." Nay, the passenger himself is without identity. Upon the same stream at the same moment we do, and do not, embark: for we are, and are not: eimen te kai ouk eimen.+ And this rapid change, if it did not make all knowledge impossible, made it wholly relative, of a kind, that is to say, valueless in the judgment of Plato. Man, the individual, at this particular vanishing-point of time and place, becomes "the measure of all things."

     To know after what manner (says Socrates, after discussing the
     question in what proportion names, fleeting names, contribute
     to our knowledge of things) to know after what manner we must be
     taught, or discover for ourselves, the things that really are
     (ta onta)+ is perhaps beyond the measure of your powers and mine.
     We must even content ourselves with the admission of this, that
     not from their names, but much rather themselves from themselves,
     they must be learned and looked for. . . . For consider, Cratylus,
     a point I oft-times dream on--whether or no we may affirm that
     what is beautiful and good in itself, and whatever is, respectively,
     in itself, is something?

     Cratylus. To me at least, Socrates, it seems to be something.

     Socrates. Let us consider, then, that 'in-itself'; not whether      a face, or anything of that kind, is beautiful, and whether all      these things seem to flow like water. But, what is beautiful in      itself--may we say?--has not this the qualities that define it,      always?

     Cratylus. It must be so.

     Socrates. Can we then, if it is ever passing out below, predicate      about it; first, that it is that; next, that it has this or that      quality; or must it not be that, even as we speak, it should      straightway become some other thing, and go out under on its way,      and be no longer as it is? Now, how could that which is never in      the same state be a thing at all? . . .

     [17] Socrates. Nor, in truth, could it be an object of knowledge      to any one; for, even as he who shall know comes upon it, it would      become another thing with other qualities; so that it would be no      longer matter of knowledge what sort of a thing it is, or in what      condition. Now, no form of knowing, methinks, has knowledge of      that which it knows to be no-how.

     Cratylus. It is as you say.

     Socrates. But if, Cratylus, all things change sides, and nothing      stays, it is not fitting to say that there is any knowing at      all. . . . And the consequence of this argument would be, that      there is neither any one to know, nor anything to be known. If,      on the other hand, there be always that which knows, and that      which is known; and if the Beautiful is, and the Good is, and      each one of those things that really are, is, then, to my thinking,      those things in no way resemble that moving stream of which we are      now speaking. Whether, then, these matters be thus, or in that      other way as the followers of Heraclitus affirm and many besides,      I fear may be no easy thing to search out. But certainly it is      not like a sensible man, committing one's self, and one's own soul,      to the rule of names, to serve them, and, with faith in names and      those who imposed them, as if one knew something thereby, to      maintain (damaging thus the character of that which is, and our      own) that there is no sound ring in any one of them, but that all,      like earthen pots, let water. Cratylus, 439.+

 

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